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The scandal surrounding the former FPÖ leader Strache made the new election necessary. But for many followers, he remains a hero. This is a problem for the leadership.

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The inn "Der goldene Hirsch" in the Vienna suburb of Hirschstetten has seen better days, if you take the crumbling facade as a yardstick. That afternoon, eight animal rights activists stand in front of the large gate entrance with creepy close-ups of tortured pigs. Guarded by two security guards, they protest in the hot sun against fully slatted floors in pig farming. Inside the shady courtyard, under chestnut trees, the FPÖ invited you to a summer talk. Around two hundred listeners with free beer and sausage soup are waiting for the event to begin. But the keynote speaker Dominik Nepp goes outside the gate.

"Animal welfare is very important to us," he says kindly to the young people. He will work to ensure that pigs are kept on straw in the future. He cannot say whether his party will approve a request at a special parliamentary session at the end of the month. But: "We will do what is possible", he promises and says goodbye with a handshake.

Is this the new way for right-wing populists in Austria, a kind of cuddle course in all directions, in the struggle for really every vote in the National Council election on September 29? After all, as in the last election in 2017, the FPÖ is fighting head-to-head with the Social Democrats for second place. She wants to coalition again with Sebastian Kurz’s leading ÖVP. And she also has to make sure that the scandal video of Ibiza, the resignation of Heinz-Christian Strache as party leader, is forgotten. Or maybe it is not necessary, given the many loyal FPÖ voters?

Dominik Nepp has not been the head of the FPÖ in Vienna for a long time. He stepped in for Johann Gudenus, who had resigned from the post after the Ibiza video and had left the party. Gudenus was the one who introduced his friend Strache to the supposed oligarch daughter from Russia. He fell for the actress first and translated the conversation, in which Strache took corruption and tax evasion for granted. That’s why the coalition in Austria burst. The Ibiza video now knows almost every child there.

And yet it is not the case that all supporters of the FPÖ have turned their backs. The right-wing populists are polled at around 20 percent. For comparison: In the 2017 election, they received 26 percent. They won’t get to Kurz ’ÖVP. But how strong will they be? And: How much the party and supporters of the scandal are still lagging behind?

Johann Gudenus is now just as private as Strache. With the difference that Strache still believes in a comeback. If not in the federal government, then maybe as a top candidate for the state election in Vienna 2020. His wife Philippa, 32, is responsible for animal welfare in the FPÖ and thus also for pigs. She is now running for the National Council. Strache supports her primarily on Facebook, where more than 800,000 users follow him. Although he is not personally present in the “Goldener Hirsch”, he is omnipresent in the minds of others.

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When the polite Mr. Nepp returns to the podium under the chestnuts, the entertainer stops playing. The jaunty moderator quickly greets the guests of honor and "the journalist Christa Zöchling from Profil magazine with one of her colleagues". It is more than unusual for journalists to be greeted by name. But the note is a clear warning to all listeners to avoid any kind of derailment, as they like to occur at FPÖ events. When Nepp has finished his speech and the “official part of the evening” is over, Christa Zöchling and her colleague are led out of the garden. "That’s how it is," the profile woman will say afterwards, "when the FPÖ considers journalists as their enemies".

In the meantime, questions may be asked in the garden. Most come from the guests of honor. The topics are rather harmless: housing, education, traffic. And of course the "fight against the uncontrolled influx of foreigners and the loss of culture," says Nepp.

Finally, an elderly gentleman, along with an elegant wife, reaches for the microphone and speaks what many think. "Strache is not a perpetrator, he is a victim. We can be glad that he was not murdered like Jörg Haider, ”he says. Thunderous applause from the now rather beer-hungry supporters, who crouch under blue parasols despite the onset of darkness.

“It has to be clarified who made the video and who paid for it. There is certainly a bigger plan behind it, ”he points to a popular conspiracy theory in right circles. “We want Strache to return to politics. Because without him, nothing will go on in the government. "

The audience agrees. Most of them, like Strache, still rave about Jörg Haider, who was killed in a traffic accident in 2008. But among FPÖ supporters the thesis persists that he was murdered. Just as the most adventurous guesswork has been circulating since the Ibiza video about who ordered it. Since no one can answer this question for you, it only fuels speculation. Now the new leading figure is Herbert Kickl, the former interior minister, but not Norbert Hofer, who is to be officially elected new party leader this Saturday.

Hofer is faced with the difficult task of preventing the loyal Strache fans from staying away from the ballot boxes in frustration. On the other hand, he must keep those voters who actually belong to the ÖVP camp, but voted FPÖ in 2017 to enable the right-wing conservative coalition under short. Hofer courted the favor of the highly skeptical ÖVP until he gave up on his own. The FPÖ even produced a fun video that shows Hofer and a short double during couple therapy. "Often it only takes a little push to continue together," says Hofer.

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But the never-ending chain of extreme right-wing "individual cases", as it is always said, could torpedo a new coalition with the ÖVP. This is how the Viennese FPÖ councilor Ursula Stenzel spoke during a ghostly torchlight procession organized by the Identity Movement on the anniversary of the Turkish siege in 1683. A provocation, Sebastian Kurz wants to ban the right-wing extremists. Norbert Hofer has a FPÖ membership and participation in events of the identities are described as incompatible. At the party congress, as the new chairman, he wants to be assured of a right of access to party exclusions – even for right-wing extremist statements and actions. Kickl is against it.

The historian Lothar Höbelt has been following the path of the FPÖ since the 1980s "with sympathy, sometimes even frustration", as he says. He wrote part of the FPÖ historian report, which came into being after the affair about Nazi-glorifying lyrics of the fraternity “Germania” and their connections to the FPÖ. Höbelt does not expect a second “Knittelfeld”, that is, a division of the Freedom Party as in 2002. He assumes that Hofer and Kickl will come to an arrangement. "Both are smart enough to avoid conflict," he says. Especially since neither of them has a conspiracy of their own power in the party. It is possible that Strache will return to politics as a potential top candidate in the Vienna election. He was a party leader of the base. On the other hand, he considers the party ideologist Kickl to be “incredibly clever and precise in his formulation. But in some respects he was a foreign body to the government; because he instinctively tends to red rather than black. ”Hofer will therefore lead the FPÖ relatively unchallenged in the future.

As interior minister, Kickl has repeatedly provoked moderate Austria up to Sebastian Kurz because of his radical decisions. His power is based on threats and fear. At the Wachauer Volksfest in Krems on the Danube, the moderator celebrates him as "Austria’s best interior minister after the Second World War". Kickl is Carinthian, comes from the clique around Jörg Haider and is supposed to be a top candidate in Lower Austria to woo ÖVP voters.

Now at the Volksfest, in "Frankys Bierbar", over 400 cheer him pendant to. Krügerl and stilts, i.e. knuckles, are carried through the narrow rows of benches on large trays. In front, "our Helene" named Michelle sings "breathless", and later "We are all a family", the new anthem of the freedom-loving. The competition is marginal, that is, some very concerned local politicians from the ÖVP. "The FPÖ will get a lot of votes. You notice that in everyday life, ”says an ÖVP activist with a red short hairstyle.

A 24-year-old who introduces himself as a Strache fan hopes that the FPÖ can continue to govern: “Anyone who makes a mistake must be punished. Strache was a good party leader, but he sidelined. As Vice-Chancellor, he mustn’t allow himself to do so. ”A tanned man stands next to him and says:“ I’m a right-wing radical. Strache will be back. He didn’t do anything. "

Gottfried Waldhäusl, as the FPÖ state councilor of Lower Austria, failed at the ÖVP with his attempt to lock asylum seekers in their accommodation at night. He knows no pardon for Strache’s misconduct: "How desperate must a person be who is standing in front of the shambles of his life’s work and yet tears into a shard every other day," Waldhäusl once said.

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At the folk festival, he does more. "If he still cares about the party, Strache will finally withdraw from the public," he says. For a coalition after the election on September 29, he has a clear idea: “The FPÖ must govern again with Kickl as Minister of the Interior. If Kurz declines this, he will be the shortest serving chancellor of the republic, ”he threatens.

Next to him stands Udo Landbauer in lederhosen, who became known in his fraternity through the Nazi song book, and waits for Kickl, the main speaker. Young blond women in pretty blue dirndls frame the two. Then comes Kickl, accompanied by men in traditional costumes, waving large flags over their heads. The kickl, which often looks cool on the outside, turns out to be a full-body heater. He claps, waves, sings, climbs on a chair.

"We live at home" is the motto of the event. But Kickl talks almost exclusively about the big catastrophe, the expulsion from the government and the unity that the FPÖ opposes. "The media believed they could divide us. But they can’t do it, ”he calls.

So Norbert Hofer may throw himself at Sebastian Kurz and the ÖVP, for Kickl they are opponents. He openly demands revenge on the head of the Conservatives and celebrates this goal in front of his followers as if he had long lost hope of a new government participation. But he doesn’t want opposition either. It is not clear whether he will forego a ministerial office for a new coalition with the ÖVP.

This power struggle is carried out after the election.

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